Background
In international relations theory, the term “new world order” refers to a new period of history evidencing a dramatic change in world political thought and the balance of power. However, in conspiracy theory, the term “New World Order” (the capital letters are distinguishing) refers to the advent of a cryptocratic or authoritarian world government.
Document Archive
Alternative World Scenarios for a New Order of Nations [144 Pages]
– The author of this futures work presents scenarios appropriate for
near- to long-range planning of the activities of the Department of
Defense and its agencies out to the year 2020 and beyond. Additionally,
the scenarios, because of their design, are useful to other departments
of the U.S. Government, industry, business, and academia. Forecasts
developed for this report use a technique created by the author for
monitoring past, present, and future global trends and events, which he
molds into plausible and thought-provoking scenarios of the United
States in the world’s societies of tomorrow. These plausible scenarios
are provided so that users can build policies and make decisions while
anticipating and judging their consequences before implementation.
Political, Economic, Social, Technological, Military environments,
Alternative world scenarios, Active and reserve components, Long-range
planning.
American Exceptionalism and a New World Order
[23 Pages, 300 kb] – The United States has a long tradition of placing
American values at the center of foreign policy. Establishing a new
world order that is based on three cornerstones will begin to shape a
new leadership role for the U.S. This involves a shift to soft power as
the core competency of foreign policy. In addition, the U.S. needs to
lead in developing key innovations and developing a global economic
strategy. Also, the U.S. needs to maintain military might unequaled in
the world. Achieving this new strategy rests upon international
organizational change with the U.S. leading the way for a new world
order.
An Analysis of the ‘New World Order’ and Its Implications for U. S. National Strategy
[40 Pages, 1.91MB] – The Cold War is over and the result is a
transition from a bipolar world of US vs. USSR to a multipolar world or
New World Order where the US remains the only military superpower.
However, this status is tentative for the United States. Like all the
great superpowers in history, the US is about to let the weight of its
military establishment, drag its economy into collapse. This paper looks
at the implications of President Bush’s new world order, and the
opportunities it presents the US to preserve a peaceful international
environment with an open international market system while at the same
time retaining its superpower status. The paper establishes that the new
world order is more than just rhetoric or simple statement of fact, it
exists but is ill- defined. As a result, the paper proposes to define
the term as a democratic world where all nations join together in
partnership and cooperation under the framework of the United Nations to
establish peace, prosperity, and justice for all.
Arms
Control and Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction: How Will They
Impact U.S. Deterrence in the New World Order?, April 1996 [29
Pages, 1.1MB] – In the absence of a superpower balance, Weapons of Mass
Destruction (WMD) are rapidly proliferating. As U.S. defense resources
shrink, options to address the new WMD threat are also shrinking. These
dynamics are changing the role of Arms Control (AC) and U.S. deterrent
strategy. This paper analyzes the relationship between proliferation of
WMD, AC, and the status of U.S. deterrent forces in the new world order.
It argues that motives to proliferate are to strong to be overcome by
AC, but that AC can play a positive role in improving U. S. and
International security. Further it argues that regardless of its
efficacy that AC is unavoidable; and that U.S force structure decisions
are driven by our perception of the threat, not AC agreements or
actions.
Back to the Future: The Role of the Founding Fathers in Shaping the New World Order
[145 Pages, 5.67MB] (Master’s Thesis) – This thesis asserts that
America bas a core set of values inherited from the Founding Fathers
that should serve as an integrating mechanism for strategic planning.
The author shows how American core values developed and were
operationalized in the operational codes (paradigms) of the Founding
Fathers, the policy makers of the Cold War era, and contemporary policy
makers as they set out to define America’s role in the New World Order.
The paper begins with an investigation of the role that paradigms play
in science and asserts that operational codes serve the same purpose for
nations. This parallel is investigated because it provides an insight
into the nature of paradigm shifts. The United States has had two
identifiable paradigms — isolationism and the goal of nation building of
the Founding Fathers and the containment policy of the Cold War. From
there, the nature of American values is investigated. Inheritance from
Western civilization, the Enlightenment, the rise of Individualism, and
the development of a unique American philosophy are all important
elements in the nature of American values. The Declaration of
Independence is shown to be an embodiment of these unique values. The
best articulation of the operational code of the Founding Fathers is
found in George Washington’s Farewell Address. The statements on foreign
policy and articulation of values which lead up to and follow the
Farewell Address are examined. The thesis then moves from the era of the
Founding Fathers to the era of the Cold War. The operational codes of
George Kennan and Paul Nitze are compared and contrasted. Nitze’s
operational code as applied to Vietnam is examined through several
presidential administrations, and lessons learned are offered. The
author criticizes the National Security Strategy of August 1991 for its
neglect of values. He contends that the Nation’s new operational code
must be based on core values inherited from the Founding Fathers.
Beyond Stalemate: Deterrence and Nonproliferation in the New World Order, April 1994
[32 Pages, 1.7MB] – U.S. deterrence and nonproliferation policies need
to be updated to meet the challenges of the new world order. To be
effective, these new policies must be based on an understanding of
potential proliferators motives for pursuing nuclear weapons, must be
realistic, and must be implemented as early in the nuclear program as
possible.
Building Order in The New World Order, 20 March 1992
[35 Pages, 1.2MB] – ThiWith the end Or the Cold War and the shattering
or the Soviet Empire to pieces smaller even than that ruled by Peter
the Great a recurring theme or the defense debate is that the world is
too uncertain, that invisible dangers lurk behind every bush, and that
we must retain a huge military presence to protect against instability
and potential threats. Our grand strategy, once easily articulated by
the single word, containment, has been superseded and the lack of an
unambiguous threat has prompted a fractious debate. Whether the size or
our military forces are be based on what is necessary to protect our
interests, or on what our politicians deem is affordable depends on our
ability to look ahead to see a clear path tor our nation, and define the
role the military will play.
Bush’s New World Order: The Meaning Behind the Words
[74 Pages, 0.4MB] – The phrase new world order has been widely used on
the political scene since first publicly coined by former president,
George Bush. Although quickly adopted as the catch phrase of the 1990s,
few people actually agree on what new world order really means. Since
new world order, while elusive in definition, is most frequently used to
describe aspects of the post Cold War international scenario,
understanding the true meaning of that phrase is critical to projecting
our future strategic environment and prospects for the new millennium.
The attempt of this paper is to reveal that true meaning. Historical
analysis will be the primary methodology used to reveal the meaning of
George Bush’s specific terminology describing his concept of new world
order. In a January 16, 1991 speech, he identified the opportunity to
build a new world order where the rule of law governs the conduct of
nations, and in which a credible United Nations can use its peacekeeping
role to fulfill the promise and vision of the UN’s founders. These
words will be dissected and historically analyzed to develop a clear
picture of new world order. Additionally, the primary mechanisms for
implementing new world order will be addressed; and finally, specific
strategic environment and national security implications will be drawn
from those conclusions.
Changing the Acquisition Process for a New World Order, April 1993
[46 Pages, 1.8MB] – The Chinese blessing (or curse?), ‘May you live in
interesting times’, is certainly applicable in today’s world. The
crumbling of the Berlin wall and subsequent end of the Cold War prompted
former President Bush to proclaim a ‘new world order’ had arrived.
Unfortunately, the new world order is more a world of disorder. This
paper explores the ramifications of these profound changes to the
Department of Defense’s acquisition process. The changes are a result of
the shift in national military strategy from reliance on forces-
in-being to a reliance on military potential. The following changes are
discussed in the paper: (1) A More Flexible Acquisition Process; (2)
Fewer New Starts/More Existing Program Upgrades; (3) Decrease in the
Number of Production Programs; (4) Increased Focus on the Ability to
Reconstitute; (5) Increased Emphasis on Four ‘ … ilities’; and (6)
Increased Reliance on Prototyping. Because of its importance, the
subject of prototyping is examined in detail. But a prototype in and of
itself does not represent a warfighting capability. A strategy must be
devised to take a system that has been developed through low rate
production and then ‘shelved’, through production restart. The following
recommendations are then discussed: (1) Design Producibility In From
the Start; (2) Increase Manufacturing Technology and Process Investment;
(3) Develop ‘Smart’ Shutdown Technologies; (4) Develop a Long Lead
Procurement Strategy; (5) Increase Reliance on Government/Commercial
Integration; and (6) Increase Use of Lean Production Techniques. If the
United States is to remain the leader of the ‘new world order’, the DOD
acquisition process must change to adjust to the ‘interesting times’ in
which we live.
China’s Response to the ‘New World Order’
[35 Pages, 1.3MB] – As world change swept the globe over the very
recent past, U.S. President George Bush described an emerging ‘new world
order.’ He stated a belief that the American system should form the
basis of a new international system. He further stated that the U.S.
must seek to take the lead in the new order forming such an
international system. China is the largest of the very few remaining
Marxist-Leninist states. As the third leg of the former world strategic
triangle, China remained a challenge to U.S. foreign policy throughout
the Cold War. Now that the Cold War is over, China is integral to the
formulation of any new order. China’s long history and cultural
background differ significantly from America’s. It is important that the
U.S. understand, to the extent possible, how those differences will be
reflected in China’s response to the new world order. A review of
Sino-American relations since normalization in the early 1970’s shows
reform that brought China increasingly closer to the U.S. until the
Tiananmen Square tradegy in June, 1989. Since then, world events such as
the collapse of Communism in Eastern Europe, the Unification of
Germany, U.S. dominance in Operation Desert Storm and the Soviet Coup
have had great effect on China’s leaders and the course of reform.
Deterrence for World Peace: A New World Order Option
[41 Pages, 1.3MB] – The recent collapse of the former Soviet Union has
brought an end to the Cold War and a beginning to change and
uncertainty. The shift from a bi- polar to a multi-polar world has
uncovered trends that make the future of the new world order complex and
dangerous. The rise in regional conflicts, proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction, accelerated worldwide technology transfer, and the
disposition of some 30,000 nuclear warheads in the Commonwealth of
Independent States are but a few of the major trends that can have a
profound effect on world peace if not controlled. To solve this problem
of control will bring a new emphasis to the word ‘deterrence.’ For 45
years the word ‘deterrence’ has been most commonly used to describe the
justification for a nuclear arms race between the United States and the
former Soviet Union. Now, the global community of nations can ‘deter’
further proliferation of weapons of mass destruction by using the
recommended three-part solution of a global nuclear test ban, worldwide
acceptance of the Global Protection Against Limited Strikes (GPALS)
system, and arms control enforcement using embargoes and economic
sanctions by an international system like the United Nations.
Disorder in the New World Order
[53 Pages, 2.34MB] – The phrase ‘New World Order’ has, over the last
four years, become a much overused and relatively meaningless cliche.
Its original intent was to provide a conceptual illustration of a
tortured world community scintillatingly close to creating a new
international order in the aftermath of the Cold War. This new
international order would make possible a world without conflict, pain
or hunger, where people of all regions could live in freedom as equals.
This concept, and its attendant utopian condition, brings tears of hope
from that portion of humanity which has the time to spend thinking on
such things. However, in reality, thus far in our international
devolution from 40 years of Cold War, we have made little, if any,
progress toward realizing a New World Order. In fact, not only have we
yet to decide upon what course we should take in pursuit of this new
order, we have not even decided that this new order should be. In the
interim, conflict, tension and war continue to expand around the globe
while the major powers of the world, those with the potential to control
global events for the betterment of the world community, continue in
their intellectual struggle to determine a role for themselves.
Explaining the New World Order of the 1990’s, 2003
[32 Pages, 1 MB] – The decade of the 1990s dramatically altered the
Cold War international order in two fundamental aspects. In the
political-economic sphere, the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991
shattered the ideological divide that had driven much of the
policy-making during the Cold War. The new Russia and its former eastern
European client states rushed to adopt Western economic and political
models, albeit with varying degrees of success. The handful of avowedly
Marxist states, such as Fidel Castro’s Cuba and Kim Il Sung’s Democratic
People’s Republic of Korea, remained mired in despotism and economic
ruin. The People’s Republic of China gradually became Communist in name
only as it sought to adopt market capitalism and limited democratic
reforms to modernize its moribund economy. The two books I review in
this paper attempt to explain why these tectonic changes occurred in the
international order during the 1990s and what implications these
changes herald for the future. In Empire, authors Michael Hardt and
Antonio Negri propose a new emerging system of international order based
on an ultimately successful Marxist theory. In Culture and Carnage:
Landmark Battles in the Rise of Western Power, Victor Davis Hanson
proposes that the West’s hegemony is derived from its cultural vibrancy
which produced political, economic and military institutions far
superior to anything in the non-Western world. Hardt and Negri have the
much harder task. Despite their enormous efforts, they ultimately fail
to validate Marxist theory as a viable predictor of the evolving world
order. In contrast, Hanson has an easier job explaining why the West has
won. His work convincingly shows that the West’s military proficiency
is directly attributed to its unique culture.
Grand Strategies for Dealing with Other States in the New, New World Order
[14 Pages, 110kb] – The art of statecraft has often involved efforts to
improve the security of one state by taking advantage of the power and
influence of other states. This is, for example, why a state typically
seeks to forge military alliances with others. It is also why some
states provide economic and military support to client or dependent
states and why some advocate the formation of multistate trading blocs.
The theory behind the trading-bloc strategy is that cooperation on
security matters is more likely when there are strong economic and other
mutually beneficial connections among the members of the bloc. Among
the tools that have been and are being used to influence other states
are trade preferences, loans, loan guarantees, concessionary pricing for
military sales, export-import financing, technical assistance, foreign
aid, and international disaster relief. While humanitarian altruism is a
major factor in foreign aid and disaster relief, statesmen often see
the reduction of suffering as a method of improving the stability of a
recipient state or as an inducement for a recipient state to cooperate
more fully on security matters. Many ideas for making American foreign
policy more effective have been offered in recent years. Some of them
involve ways of prioritizing all forms of official, state-to-state
assistance on those states whose stability or cooperation will most
benefit the national interests of the United States. Obviously, there
are many states that are already stable and already do generally
cooperate with the United States. Canada, Japan, and the states of
Western Europe (disagreements over the second war with Iraq
notwithstanding) fall into this category. Certainly the economically
advanced and politically stable states of the collective West have a
common interest in suppressing the signal threat- global terrorism- of
the new, new world order that sprang from the rubble of the World Trade
Center and Pentagon on 11 September 2001.
Gunboat Diplomacy in a New World Order: Strategic Considerations for U.S. Naval Intervention in the Twenty-First Century
[94 Pages, 4.64MB] – With the dissolution of the Soviet Union and
Warsaw Pact, the threat of global war has all but been eliminated. At
the same time, the Third World is experiencing a rising tide of
instability, brought about by economic and social inequities, religious
fundamentalism, and resurgent ethnic and political rivalries, and fueled
by increasing military capabilities caused by the proliferation of
advanced-technology weapons. As a result of these changes, U.S. security
strategy is turning from its Cold War focus on global containment to
the protection of U.S. interests against regional instabilities. The
most dramatic confirmation of this change in direction was the
announcement by the President on 2 August 1990 of a new National
Security Strategy which would focus on maintaining stability and
responding to regional crises, rather than on preparing for a global
conflict against the Soviet Union. The past decade offers numerous
examples of U.S. intervention in regional instabilities and crises that
achieved varying degrees of success. Many of these interventions provide
important lessons for the future in terms of how and when to use naval
forces, and what the risks are to the national interest if a given
mission fails to achieve its military or political objectives. This
study is an examination of U.S. naval strategy and its evolving focus on
crisis intervention, and how recent uses of U.S. naval force illustrate
the need for a reevaluation of naval intervention and its
implementation in a “new world order.” To this end, three specific uses
of U.S. naval power in the last decade are instructive: the U.S.
intervention in Lebanon from March 1982-March 1984; U.S. naval
operations off Libya from August 1981-April 1986 (including the 1986 air
strike on Tripoli); and the Persian Gulf tanker escort operation of
1987-1988).
The Mexican Military Approaches the 21st Century: Coping with a New World Order [35 Pages]
– The author’s discussion of the roles and missions of the Mexican
forces has special salience in this era of ‘alternative missions.’ Since
the U. S. Army has had to deal with the same missions of civic action
and counternarcotics, this study provides a timely and instructive
lesson on how the Mexican military has wrestled with these challenges.
North American Free Trade Agreement(NAFTA), Civic action,
Counternarcotics, Mexico, Mexican army
Military Diplomacy in the New World Order, 25 April 1993
[58 Pages, 2.69 MB] – The New World Order–that articulated by former
President Bush at the end of the Cold War era–remains yet unsettled and,
in fact, undefined. It is filled with uncertainties and instabilities
caused by traditional enmities now reemerging. This reemergence is a
result of a world shift from bipolarism to polyarchism. The leadership
role of the United States in this new era will, it is predicted, involve
selective engagement. Additionally, the U.S. will exercise the role of a
grand facilitator. In this altered security environment, this paper
argues that coercive and cooperative military influence–especially that
defined as military diplomacy–has a continuing place in the exercise of
U.S. global leadership. This study reviews the historical record of
military diplomacy and examines the past use of the four services
individually and in joint operations. Particular analysis is given to
the current adaptive planning construct established by the Joint Staff
with regard to the employment of flexible deterrent options as an aspect
of military diplomacy.
Military Operations Other Than War in the New World Order: An Analysis of Joint Doctrine for the Coming Era
[71 Pages, 2.5 MB] – The United States has experienced numerous eras of
distinct international systems which governed its relationship with
other nations. The end of the Cold War symbolized a transition point
between such systems. Historically, the nature of a new order as well as
the transitional point between orders is fraught with uncertainty.
Nonetheless, instruments of national power such as the military must
respond to the changing system to remain effective. The post-Cold War
era has been characterized by an increased use of the military for
operations short of war to include humanitarian operations,
peacekeeping, sanction enforcement, etc. Although these missions are not
new to the Armed Forces, military doctrine has only begun to address
the unique challenges involved in executing operations short of war.
Joint Publication 3-07, Joint Doctrine for Military Operations Other
Than War (MOOTW), lists six fundamental principles for MOOTW. This
research applies the concepts embodied in the principles of MOOTW with
three MOOTW models; the Range of Military Operations Model developed by
the U.S. Army, the Crises and Lesser Conflicts Model developed by Rand
researchers Carl H. Builder and Theodore W. Karasik, and the MOOTW
Characteristics Model developed by RAND researchers Jennifer M. Taw and
John E. Peters.
Military Review, September 1994. Volume 74, Number 9 [92 Pages]
National
Missile Defense Strategy for the United States Post 11 September, 2001 –
A Search for Security in a New World Order, 9 April 2002 [39 Pages,
2.1MB] – This paper examines the history of the ABM Treaty as it
relates to missile defense and postulates strategic options as they
relate to the U.S. strategic linkage to the treaty itself. This review
includes 2nd and 3rd order effects for the U.S., as well as an
assessment of strategic risk. Key nations included in this analysis
include the U.S., Russia and China. In light of the current
geo-political situation, the paper concludes with a recommended course
of action and challenges for the future.
The New World Order: A Second Look. A Selected Bibliography. [43 Pages]
– Partial contents of this report pertain to: U.S. National Security;
the U.S. Military; U.S. Foreign Relations; International Security; North
Atlantic Treaty Organization; International Relations; World Economic
Order; and Specific Countries and Regions.
The New World Order: A Vision and Its Dimensions
[46 Pages, 2.06MB] – The Cold War is over. The Soviet Union has been
dissolved. The United States is no longer the world’s preeminent
economic power. Both Europe and Japan are enjoying a greater share of
the world’s resources. Still, from the perspective of combined military,
economic, political, and diplomatic power, the United States has no
equal. President Bush suggests that a ‘New World Order’ has emerged.
Principles of democracy, shared responsibility and mutual cooperation
among nations are the hallmarks of that new order. He recommends that
the principles of the New World Order guide the foreign policy of the
United States throughout the decade of the nineties and into the
twenty-first century. This paper probes the dimensions of that New World
Order. It discusses the likelihood of a unipolar or multipolar world,
and concludes that a stratified world order might be a more apt
description. It explores the role of international organizations within
the new order. It examines implications for U.S. foreign policy, the
Department of Defense, and the U.S. Army. The paper concludes by
revealing why President Bush’s vision is compelling.
Nuclear Strategy in the New World Order
[19 Pages, 0.4MB] – For 50 years, the US depended on its nuclear
arsenal to provide the underpinning to the deterrent aspect of its
military strategy. However, on September 11, 2001, three of four
hijacked civilian aircraft successfully completed their suicide missions
against high value targets in the United States-the World Trade Center
and the Pentagon. US military might, to include its overwhelming nuclear
arsenal, failed to deter the terrorists who killed nearly 3000 people,
most of whom were Americans. Although the US nuclear force structure,
policy and strategy have thus far deterred a nuclear attack on the US,
it is not properly postured as a viable deterrent against asymmetric
attacks. However, given the proper force structure, policy and strategy,
the US nuclear arsenal could provide a greater degree of deterrence
against such attacks in the future. This paper will first briefly
describe the strategy of deterrence and its underpinnings in basic
psychology. Second, it will briefly overview the deterrence strategy of
the Cold War and highlight the findings of the Nuclear Posture Review
that will serve as the foundation of the Bush nuclear strategy. Next,
this paper will consider the ethical issues surrounding the use of
nuclear weapons, as both a deterrent and a combat weapon. Finally, the
paper will analyze US nuclear strategy and make policy recommendations
for using nuclear weapons as part of a deterrent strategy against future
asymmetric attacks.
Peace in the Middle East: How It Will Impact the New World Order and the American Strategy
[52 Pages, 1.91MB] – The historical events of the last decade have
shifted the world system from the traditional West-East competition to
cooperation and exchange of interests between the East and the West.
Security and stability of the world has emerged as a very important
element of the new world order. Since anything happening in any part of
the world affects and gets affected by what happens in the other parts
of the world, achieving peace and stability in the Middle East is
important for the peace and stability of the world. Since the US is
considered the leader of the new world system, the protection of
international security and stability has become its responsibility. This
paper begins with a description of threats and challenges to the peace
of the Middle East, then discusses the bases of peace in the region, the
impact of the regional peace on the new world order and the American
strategy and ends with recommendations for achieving and keeping peace
in the region.
Policing the New World Order: An Alternative Strategy. [32 Pages]
– The United States responded decisively in the recent Persian Gulf
crisis. The Bush Administration considered successful resolution of this
crisis a precursor to the “new world order.” Many questions now
confront policy makers as America approaches the 21st Century. A
pressing question is the following: Can America continue to serve as the
world’s policeman? America’s challenge for the 1990s is to avoid the
trappings of world policing that past superpowers have experienced
throughout history “a la Pax Britannica.” The United States can achieve
this by, first, formulating its national security strategy to elevate
the role of the United Nations as the world’s policeman. Second, the
United States’ national security strategy should support the
establishment of a United Nations standing peacemaking force. This force
would provide the United Nations and international community a
short-notice military employment capability during the early “warning
period” of an impending crisis. Such a force would ultimately lower the
United States’ profile as the world’s policeman in the emerging new
world order. This essay addresses in five parts the establishment of a
standing United Nations peacemaking force. First, it analyzes the
circumstances and the international implications of America’s
involvement in the Persian Gulf War. Second, it discusses the resultant
new world order and the United Nation’s inability to enforce world
order. Third, it highlights a deficiency in America’s emerging defense
strategy for the new world order. Fourth, it presents a proposal for a
standing United Nations peacemaking force that the United States would
support in the 1990s. And finally, it concludes with a view of America’s
future in policing the new world order.
Security Challenges for Small States in the New World Order: Options for Nepal
[44 Pages, 1.9MB] – The post cold war period is marked by a new
multi-dimensional strategic environment giving new focus to
international relations and security of small states. Though the US is
the only superpower, the world is moving to multipolarity and
interdependence where regional powers and international systems have an
increasingly powerful role. In such an environment small states are
finding themselves even more vulnerable. This paper analyzes the
security challenges small states face in the evolving new world order
and suggests viable security options for small states in general and
Nepal in particular. It analyzes the special characteristics of small
states and their vulnerability to both traditional and new forms of
threats. It relates national interests with world order and makes an in
depth study of the security systems of balance of power and collective
security from the perspective of a small state. It analyzes Nepal’s
regional and internal security environment as well as her historical
setting and national interests. The paper then applies the concepts of
security systems in the context of Nepal to determine viable security
options.
Strategy and Logistics for the New World Order
[138 Pages, 5.79MB] -An interdisciplinary analysis of the post-Cold War
world to determine the optimal strategy to attain the national
interests of the United States, and the requisite logistic structure to
support that strategy. The optimal solution is found to be a strategy
based on multinational defense centered on a permanent force of United
Nations garrison port complexes. This multilateral force would be
augmented by as small a national defense force as necessary to ensure
national security. The thesis endeavors to reconnect the cultural and
philosophical past of the United States with its immediate future.
National interests are identified through examination of American
Pragmatism and the philosophies of John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau.
To determine the current status of common defense, based upon the
Foreign Military Sales system, and analysis of current data is
accomplished. Future threats to the United States are examined with
special emphasis on nuclear terrorism. The ability of Islamic nations in
North Africa and the Middle East to produce significant quantities of
uranium is demonstrated. The grave political as well as ongoing
environmental consequences of this recent capability are discussed in
detail.
Technology Security Policy: From the Cold War to the New World Order
[122 Pages, 5.42MB] -This thesis examines U.S. technology security
policy in a transitional period marked by a rapidly changing security
environment and an era of economic globalization. It provides an
historical analysis of this policy since the onset of the Cold War and a
financial analysis of the $40 million budget request for technology
security, counter-proliferation, and export controls in the Clinton
Administration’s FY 1994 defense budget presentation. The historical
analysis is based largely on the evolution and roles of two multilateral
control regimes — CoCom and the MTCR. The crux of this analysis is a
detailed examination of the fate of the $40 million request as it moved
through the congressional budget process. This analysis identifies
problems and policy issues surrounding resource allocation for
technology security. Based on the treatment of the budget request by the
defense committees of Congress, a number of conclusions were drawn.
Although technology security is considered a high priority item by both
the executive and legislative branches of government, Congress
appropriated funding for only 20 percent of the Administration’s
request. Significant decreases are attributed to inter-agency turf
struggles, the slowness with which DoD policy-making positions were
filled, and an initial spending plan that was perhaps overly ambitious
and prematurely presented. Ultimately, two reviewing bodies were born
out of legislative compromise; however, potentially redundant reporting
likelihood of a decisive review of current proliferation policy.
Toward A Dangerous World: U.S. National Security Strategy for the Coming Turbulence [336 Pages]
Turkey’s Role in the New World Order, Feb 1998
[7 Pages, 0.6 MB] – Turkey faces new challenges as the result of the
political, military and economic developments we have been witnessing
over the past decade, not the least of which is finding Turkey’s role in
the new world order that is now taking shape. If we were to make a
brief evaluation of the present environment it would be correct to
characterize it as a period of transition and transformation that calls
for reorientations and new architectures.
The U.S. – Japan Security Alliance: Will it Survive in the New World Order? 1 April 1991
[126 Pages, 5.3 MB] – When George Bush took office in January 1989, he
spoke of a new world order. The characteristics of this new world order
may be more physical than the ideological Cold War. Some characteristics
are emerging–resurfacing of old rivalries, greater interdependence
between major powers, more weapons of mass destruction, information
revolution, and the ascendancy of mass destruction, information
revolution, and the ascendancy of economic power over military power to
name a few. These changes mandate a review of old alliances designed to
implement a national security strategy of containment. One candidate is
the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States
and Japan commonly referred to as the U.S.-Japan Security Alliance. Now
that the Cold War is over, is this treaty still relevant? Given Japan’s
economic miracle, should the United States continue to provide Japan’s
national security and protect Japan’s vital interests? This paper
examines the treaty from three perspectives: Is the U.S.-Japan Security
Alliance still relevant in the emerging world order from a military
perspective? Is the U.S.-Japan Security Alliance still relevant from a
political perspective? What roles should the United States and Japan
undertake to promote stability in the emerging world order?
U.S. Strategic Maneuver: A New World Order Requires Some New Thinking, Not Reorganization, 21 June 1991
[39 Pages, 1.1 MB] – The current changes in the kinds of world threats
we face and the requirement to downsize U.S. forces pose as significant
challenge to the military as significant as those confronted at the end
of World War II. The concept of Strategic Maneuver within the military,
accompanied by a focusing process of
(areas-to-threats-to-interests-to-resources-to-requirements) using the
current organization, will allow a smaller force to operate effectively.
The Persian Gulf War proved that the concept of Strategic Maneuver,
formed by prioritizing and combining the individual and unique
capabilities of each military services, is the best method to meet the
future defense needs. The alternative plan of service reorganization and
downsizing within compels the planners to unlearn all of the post-Viet
Nam lessons. New mobility concepts such as the C-17’s, for more
efficient air lifting, and SL-7’s for faster shipping cannot by
themselves form the mindset needed to maintain efficiency. This paper
argues that the wheel does mot have to be reinvented in order for a
smaller one work as well.
The United Nations Security Council Veto in the New World Order
[183 Pages, 6.01 MB] – The United States should move to replace the
Security Council veto with a double majority voting method. United
States’ national security will improve as international security
improves. International security will improve as the Security Council
acts effectively. The Security Council will act more effectively as it
becomes more authoritative. Promoting respect for the Council and a veto
alternative are necessary to make the Council more authoritative. The
double majority voting method best promotes Council authority.
A World 2010: A New Order of Nations
[127 Pages, 5.69 MB] – In this book, A World 2010: A New Order of
Nations, the author describes the decline of the influence of the 20th
century superpowers. He explores the notion of a devolution of political
and economic world power and forecasts a rise of a new order of
nations. Further he advances the concept of a rise of 21st century
postindustrial states to preeminence. These new realities could usher in
a new era of relative world peace brought about by the crumbling of the
Soviet Union, the formation of new global economic interrelationships
and coalitions, and the advancement of former Third World nations to
become competitive industrial states. The author concludes by
forecasting the notion of a U.S. national requirement for a subdued
worldwide military presence that serves a passive role, deterring
conflict and preserving peace.
Jhon Greenewald
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